Showing posts with label democracy. Show all posts
Showing posts with label democracy. Show all posts

Monday, 16 December 2013

Guest post: "Museums in Ukraine: Learning to be with the people", by Ihor Poshyvailo (Ukraine)

My friend and colleague Ihor Poshyvailo´s museum, the Ivan Honchar Museum in Kyiv, published the following post on Facebook on 30 November: “Ivan Honchar Museum supports the national protests against the government policy and police crimes against the student protesters, and encourages people to join the current people movement for the democracy. Do not be indifferent - come to the Maidan! We can only win being together!". I was deeply impressed with such a bold statement by a national museum and asked Ihor to share with us his thoughts on the role museums can play in their societies at historic moments, such as the ones currently going on in Ukraine. I have no words to thank Ihor for this beautiful text. mv

Photo: Bohdan Posyvailo
On December the 1st, my American colleague and friend Linda Norris published the post If I ran a museum in Kyiv right now in her blog The Uncataloged Museum. It was a prompt response of this museum expert, well-known in Ukraine, to the riot police night attack on the peaceful protesters, mostly students, in Kyiv. A wave of demonstrations and civil unrest began in late November due to a massive public outpouring for closer European integration in Kyiv and was named ‘Euromaidan’. It was claimed by Guy Verhofstadt, Member of the European Parliament, former Prime Minister of Belgium, to be the biggest pro-European demonstration in the history of EU. Victoria Nuland, Assistant Secretary at the United States Department, underscored that Euromaidan is symbol of the power of civil society: “It is about justice, civil rights and the people’s demands to have a government that listens to them, that represents their interests and that respects them.”

In her post, Linda puts herself in a Ukrainian museum director’s shoes and offers a program of action in three museum spheres: representing community values and ethics, serving the community, and collecting. In particular, she would make a public statement, take a look at the ethical practices and transparency of her own museum, throw open the museum doors and invite the public in for free.  Keeping the museum open early and late, she would have cups of hot tea ready, provide a warm place for reflection and contemplation, and find a space in the gallery for people to write or draw about their hopes and fears; encourage participants to think about Ukraine as a nation, about beauty, truth and complicated histories. Even more – she would permit and even encourage the staff to take part in the protests if they so desired. If Linda was the director of a history museum, she would be out collecting lots of potential exhibits for the future, starting from Tweets and Facebook postings, oral histories, flags, banners and hand-made signs and photographs to metal barriers,  face-masked helmets and police uniforms, and even home-made antidotes for tear gas.

Photo: Bohdan Posyvailo
Indeed, a simple, effective, and seemingly common reaction for a typical American or Western Museum. A museum which is 'about', 'for' and 'with' people. Such was the topic for discussion proposed by my another great colleague and friend Maria Vlachou at the European Museum Advisors Conference in Lisbon last year (here). Serving the community is especially important for modern museums, which are becoming active agents of communication, operating not only explicitly at the level of objects of history, science, culture, education or entertainment, but also at an implicit level, approaching spheres of power, ideology, values​​, and identity.

But for me, in the context of recent events in Kyiv, the combination of words ‘museum with people’ gains a new, special meaning. This seems quite a clear, even banal, phrase. But is it common for Ukraine and other post-Soviet nations? Do our museums want, can and know how to be with people today? Especially in a period of social uprisings and political tensions, in unusual situations, which require from a museum an open and honest look into the eyes of its current and potential visitors, of the communities it represents.

It happened historically that most museums in Ukraine are state-run and, therefore, they depend ideologically, economically and administratively on the government. So, how should they behave in a deep conflict between government and society? I hope for many museums the answer is theoretically obvious – same as for army and riot police soldiers who took the oath “to serve their people”. Do Ukrainian museums remain indifferent observers of the breath taking and internationally covered events at Independence Square? How can they be responsive and inclusive to the needs of the society and communities they represent and serve?

Photo: Bohdan Poshyvailo
Ironically, at the moment the President of Ukraine Yanukovych was visiting the Museum of Qin Terra-cotta Warriors in China and writing a review in the book of honourable guests, ICOM Ukraine and a number of Ukrainian museums were issuing public statements condemning unexpected crackdown on peaceful protesters and the pulling out of an association pact with the EU. The Directors Council of Lviv Museums coordinated protest statements of a number of Lviv museums. One of the oldest ethnographic museums in East-Central Europe – the Museum of Ethnography and Crafts in Lviv – displayed a banner on its balcony saying "We support the demands of Euromaidan". In Kyiv a dozen museums made their public statements, including the Museum of Kyiv History which is run by the City Hall and depends upon the Mayor of Kyiv, whose headquarters were taken by the protesters. Pavlo Tychyna Memorial Museum (located closely to Maidan) opened its doors to protesters and proposed them tea, rest and cultural programs. The Historical Museum-Preserve "Tustan" in the Lviv Region asked people on facebook to bake honey-cakes, "Knights of Goodness", write a message of support and send them to the freezing activists. The Ivan Honchar Museum, which glorifies the eternal traditional virtues of the Ukrainian people – freedom, faith, honour, democracy and humanism, shifted its educational programs to Euromaidan. It launched a series of flash mobs (such as the installation and decoration of the main Ukrainian traditional symbol of Christmas – Didukh ("the spirit of ancestors") - at the foot of the monument of Independence) and organized folk celebrations, dancing and singing at the epicentre of the protest area.   

Virtually all museums in Ukraine are government run and funded. Of course, there is a worry regarding possible repercussions. We know about the director of the famous Territory of Terror Museum in Lviv, who was summoned for questioning at the Investigation Department of the prosecutor's office as "a witness" to events at Euromaidan. We heard the story of a Kyiv metro driver who was fired just for telling his passengers how to find the shortest way out of the blocked central stations and join the protesters. We heard about dismissed commanders of the riot police forces in some regions, whose soldiers refused going to Kyiv and attack the protesters.

Photo: Bohdan Poshyvailo
Of course the Tahrir Square syndrome is still vivid in the memories of many museum professionals, but I think the Ukrainian Euromaidan is a great chance for many museums to test their ability to be with the people. I saw this need in twinkling eyes of peaceful protesters in the past three weeks.  And I drew the conclusion that in order to be with people our museums should not necessarily do extraordinary things, the should firstly listen carefully to the pulse rate of their nation and open their doors to frozen hearts.



Ihor Poshyvailo is an Ethnologist with a PhD from the Institute of Art Studies, Folklore and Ethnology, National Academy of Sciences(1998). He is the Deputy Director of the National Center of Folk Culture “Ivan Honchar Museum” (Kyiv). Co-moderator and co-organizer of international museum management seminars (since 2005). Participant in the International Visitor Program (USA, 2004), Global Youth Exchange Program (Japan, 2004) and The World Master’s Festival in Arts and Culture (Korea, 2007). Curator of international art projects, including the traveling exhibition “Smithsonian Folklife Festival: Culture Of, By, and For People” (2011), “Interpreting Cultural Heritage” (2011), “Home to Home: Landscapes of Memory” (2011-2012). He was a Fulbright Scholar at the Smithsonian Center of Folklife and Cultural Heritage (2009-2010) and a Summer International Fellow at the Kennedy Center (2011-2013). Ihor wrote another post for this blog in 2012, entitled Reinventing and making museums matter.

Monday, 8 July 2013

'Just' a museum, 'just' an artist?

Artist Ahlam Shibli at Jeu de Paume (Photo: LP/ Philippe de Poulpiquet, taken from the newspaper Le Parisien)


I had written here before about my experience twenty years ago visiting a history museum in the town of Halifax (UK). I was totally shocked when, in one of the photos on display, I saw Cypriot resistance fighters against British rule being identified as “terrorists”. At the same time, I suppose I realised at that moment – I was 23 then – that there existed people who told that same story in a totally different way. The men on the photo coudl have killed their loved ones, who had been sent there by their country to defend a legitimate, in their view, authority.

Anyway, no matter how shocked I was, I didn´t threaten to put a bomb in the museum, I didn´t even start a petition to close the exhibition. Which is exactly what has been happening in Paris in these last weeks as a response to certain photos on display which form part of the exhibition Phantom Home, at Jeu de Paume, by Palestinian artist Ahlam Shibli. Why? Because certain people feel that exhibiting photos of Palestinian suicide bombers, and referring to them as ‘martyrs’, is a way of glorifying terrorism. Needless to say, I find the reactions and threats of the pro-Israeli groups totally unacceptable. But I must also say that they don´t come as a surprise, do they? The topic is sensitive, it is controversial, and those who claim to be surprised by the fierce reactions of certain circles or who are warning us about the return of censorship (read Emmanuel Alloa´s article La censure est de retour) are naive, to say the least, or simply not honest with themselves and with others. There´s nothing new or surprising in these attempts of censorship, they happened before and they´ll happen again in the future. But this is not what I wish to talk about.

I praise museums that have the courage to tackle difficult and controversial subjects. Museums should be doing exactly that: challenge our ‘stories’, present the ‘other side’, provoke debate, make space for it. Frankly, I am not sure if this was Jeu de Paume´s aim.

One reads on the museum website regarding the exhibition: “Death, Ahlam Shibli´s latest series, especially conceived for this retrospective, shows how the palestinian society preserves the presence of ‘martyrs’, according to the term used by the artist. This series witnesses a vaste representation of those absent through photos, posters, panels and graffitis exhibited as a form of resistance.” The museum seems to be perfectly aware that the use of the term “martyr” might be controversial and attributes it to the artist herself. On the other hand, the artist is being quoted in Emmanuel Alloa´s previously mentioned article as claiming that “My work is to show, neither to denounce nor to judge.”

Exhibitions, in my opinion, don´t ‘just’ show. Artists don´t do that either. Exhibitions and artists make statements. The French Minister of Culture seemed much more affirmative to me in her public statement and didn´t seem to run away from what was really the issue: “This claimed neutrality may be shocking in itself”, she said, “and give rise to bad interpretations, since it doesn´t explain the context of the photos, which is not just that of loss, but also that of terrorism.” (read the full press release here).

Death nr. 37, by Ahlam Shibli (Photo taken from the blog Lunettes Rouges)
The Ministry asked the museum to complete the information made available to the visitors in order to, on the one hand, clarify and better explain the purpose of the artist and, on the other, to distinguish the artist´s proposal from that of the institution. The Minister was under attack from all sides. Personally, I don´t see why a museum should set itself apart from its choices in the way the French Ministry seems to be suggesting. What should be really clear is why it chooses to present its audience with exhibition A or B, how it fits in its mission and programme, what it aims to communicate, what kind of thinking and discussion it aims to promote.

I can´t say it´s clear for me what Jeu de Paume really aimed to do through this exhibition or why it has chosen to present an artist who ´just wants to show´. I checked again and again on the museum website, looking for a parallel programme that would complement the exhibition with talks and debates. Nothing. Finally, a debate was announced, organized by the Museum and L´Observatoire de la Liberté de Création, “in reaction to the controversy caused by the exhibition”, that would discuss issues such as the freedom of artistic representation, the responsibility of the institution that exhibits works that cause a controversy, the freedom of the visitor to have access to the works and the the freedom of expression in all its components (read here).

This is all great. This is exactly what should have been planned beforehand and not as a reaction to a controversy. And it should have gone even further than a general discussion of freedom to create, freedom to exhibit, freedom to visit. This exhibition raises other important and very specific issues.

I would expect Jeu de Paume not to pretend that it had not expected a huge controversy when Palestinian suicide bombers are referred as martyrs. I would expect the artist to wish not “just to show”, as if she was ‘just’ a reporter, as if she didn´t take and exhibit these photos with the purpose to make a statement. I would expect both the museum and the artist to truly wish to provoke a debate, to push the boundaries, to create the space to discucss what is history, identity, conflict, justice, resistance, a terorist act or a terrorist state. This is about the palestinian issue and there´s nothing ‘just’ about it.


More on this blog

The stories we tell ourselves

Silent and apolitical?

The long distance between California and Jerusalem


More readings

Marie-José Mondzain, Artiste palestinienne : liberté pour l'art au Jeu de Paume (Le Monde, 21.6.2013)

Chez soi : la photographe palestinienne Ahlam Shibli au Jeu de Paume (on the blog Lunettes Rouges, 7.6.2013)

G.W. Goldnadel, France/Jeu de Paume: double honte (Israël Flash, 21.6.2013)

Marta Gili: Je refuserai toujours la censure au Jeu de Paume. Interview of the Director of Jeu de Paume (Le Figaro, 24.6.2013)


Monday, 4 March 2013

Guest post: "Santo André Cultura Viva Movement - society seeks dialogue", by Simone Zárate (Brazil)


Do you remember Santo André? The city where the unimaginable - for us – took place, when the population questioned the Secretary of Culture on his cultural policies and demanded participation? This case really intrigued me and it was a very happy coincidence that Simone Zárate and I have a common friend, André Fonseca, who put us in touch. Simone had been Secretary of Cultural herself, in that same city of Santo André, and she helps us understand how this came about. It´s a long and continuous process, the result of vision, hard work, determination. And it is good to know it´s possible. mv

Citizenship and Culture seminar, 1993. (Photo: Cibele Aragão)
“For the creation of a municipal library and a conference hall.” This was one of the proposals of the candidates of the Social Labour Party in the 1947 municipal elections in Santo André (Brazil). The candidates (prefect and MPs) won the election, but, due to political problemas at a national level, they were not able to carry out their mandate. The municipal library was created seven years later, in 1954.

The story of the struggles for cultural action of the public authorities goes back a long time in Santo André. In the course of time, it got to know different actors and proposals. Santo André is one of the cities of so-called Greater ABC region (A for Santo André; B for São Bernardo; C for São Caetano), located in the Greater São Paulo area; a region which was developed thanks to the industry; a region of labour and social struggles, but also of artistic and cultural movements.

Since 1954, the prefecture of Santo André intervenes in the city´s cultural development. For better and for worse. But it was in the early 90s of the last century that an incisive action of the municipal political power became evident in the cultural sector. I am referring to the Labour Party´s the first term in the city: creation of new venues and programmes, decentralization of services and of the power of decision, inducing social participation in the building of public policies (with adjustments and the mistakes that are natural for every innovative project). This was not a privilege just for Santo André, but for many other cities administered by a political party which spread the debate on the importance of cultural policies at a national level. Cultural policies that would say ‘no’ to cronyism (individual or corporate) and would promote reflection and critical citizenship.

Many of those who participate today in the Santo André Cultura Viva Movement formed also part of that historical period of public action in the city´s culture, as well as of other movements. As users of cultural services, as artists, as critics, as workers, as militants. In 1993, when times were quite different from now, the Permanent Forum of Cultural Debates collected thousands of signatures against the “cultural dismantling” that resulted from the change in the municipal administration and it organized the Citizenship and Culture Seminar; in 2009, the Free Movement SA organized a public event in order to raise awareness with the recently elected prefect regarding the “importance  of the cultural sector for the city”. In 2013, they claim involvement in the building of cultural policies.


Culture Fair at a community center in Santo André, 1991. (Photo: Jason Brito Pessoa)
The participation of the population in the building of cultural policies is a joint and lengthy learning  process in all areas, nevertheless, in the cultural area there as always some issues that end up permeating the debate: the population does not express a desire for culture; culture is not among the priorities – neither of the governments nor of the citizens; the interest regarding cultural policies is related to personal and/or corporate interests.  It´s in part true: for a long time (and still today) we´ve been bearing witness to umbilical claims, for “my own backyard”, for the funding of my artistic segment. In the meantime, though, these corporate claims have gradually been giving way in the last years to concerns regarding the collective, to concerns regarding cultural policy directives not only in relation to specific segments, but in relation to the city.  

In Brazil, the occurence of the change is certainly associated to the federal government policy, specifically that of the Ministry of Culture, which from 2003 onwards, among other audacities, has put into practice an enlargement of the concept of cultural in government policy, has stimulated social participation through conferences, seminars, forums, etc. And has implanted the Cultura Viva Programme, with the aim to allow for the empowerement, protagonism and autonomy of culture agents from all over the country. Culture beyond the arts and heritage, culture made by the people and the State as instigator. We may add to this the transformations in the social relations due to the internet, especially the social media and the free sofware movements: horizontality and colaborative processes.

An elected government has always got some kind of programme, as well as responsibilties and legal and budget limitations, though such limitations are not obstacles to the promotion of dialogue. No matter how illuminated and well intended, a cabinet cultural policy will not reflect reality, the wishes, dynamics and needs of the population. This observation alone should generate the need to build together, the result of the summing up of information, possibilities and limitations of the government and society translated into programmes and actions, but also a space of clarification and consensual and transparent resolution of legitimate and necessary conflicts.    


A meeting of the Santp André Cultura Viva Movement, 2013. (Photo: Marcello Vitorino)
The Santo André Cultura Viva Movement - according to my observations, as well as according to the letter given to the prefect and all elected city counsellors – does not mean to form an opposition and is not corporate. On the contrary, it aims to promote dialogue, collective building, autonomy, decentralization of power and leadership, cultural policies for the city which provide the right for effective citizenship. It wishes to participate politically, in the sense of discussin the polis, and thus to become stronger.

As Mercedes Sosa used to sing, “todo cambia” (everything changes). “Cambia lo superficial, cambia también lo profundo, cambia el modo de pensar, cambia todo en este mundo” (the superficial changes, as well as the profound, the way of thinking changes, everything changes in this world). As defined by the word itself, Movements also change, the y come and go, some times they fall asleep, other times they are on permanent alert. Cultural, poetic and critical accumulation, though, are redefinitions and remain present. Hopefully!


Simone Zárate has na MA in Culture and Information for the University of São Paulo. She has been working in the cultural sector since 1991, as a culture agent, as Secretary of Culture, Sports and Leisure in the Prefecture of Santo André, as well as Coordinator of Social Development in the Greater ABC Intermunicipal Consortium. She is an independent researcher and consultant in culural management and cultural policies and director of IFOC – Observatórioa & Formação Cultural (Culture Observatory and Training). 

Monday, 14 January 2013

Guest post: "The political museum", by David Fleming (UK)


David Fleming is a museum professional I greatly admire and respect and he has deeply influenced my thinking on the role of museums. Some years ago, Josie Appleton criticised his option of coming into museums because this was his way of trying to change the world by saying “An admirable aim, of course, but maybe Fleming should have become a politician or a social worker rather than a museum director.” [in Watson, E. (ed), Museums and their Communities, p116]. I, personally, am glad David came into museums and actually became a museum director. And it is with great pleasure that we publish in this blog a shortened version of his speech The Political Museum, given at the INTERCOM Conference in Sydney last November. The complete version may be found at the end of this text.  mv 

Photo taken from the website of National Museums Liverpool

1.   Introduction – the myth of neutrality

It is a tradition in museums that we are, or should be, apolitical, by which I mean that museums should not involve ourselves in the power relationships that characterise society. It’s not our job to get embroiled in the world of real people, real events, controversy and opinion. What we ought to do is use our knowledge and expertise to assemble and care for our collections, and to present them in a neutral fashion for public benefit, floating on a cloud of scholarly virtue, hovering well above the mundane realities of human life. In fact, to keep doing what many museums have attempted to do for most of the time since they were set up.

It is, of course, the height of hypocrisy, and, indeed, is utterly vacuous, to claim that museums have ever been ‘neutral’ about anything. All the basic tasks that we undertake - researching, collecting, presenting, interpreting – are loaded with meaning and bias, and always have been; these tasks are the museum’s methods of serving up to the public what the people running the museum wish the public to see. Museums are social constructs, and politics is a cornerstone of social activity – you can’t have one without the other. No matter what type of museum, no matter what it contains, decisions have been made by someone about what to research, what to preserve, what to collect, what to present, how to interpret; and decisions have been made about what not to do, what not to research, what not to preserve, what not to collect, what not to present, what not to interpret.

I’m not altogether certain why some museum people, and others, have seen such value in portraying ourselves as disinterestedly pursuing knowledge, as though by doing so we avoid the risk of becoming political. The issue isn’t “is it right or wrong for museums to be political?” but “all museums are political, why do some pretend that they’re not?”.


2. The political museum in action

a) Old Model

After their conquest of Greece in the 2nd century BC, the Romans used triumphal display of objects to show the superiority of Roman to Greek culture. This was a technique continued throughout the ages, by the Christian Church, by Charlemagne, by the Venetian Republic, by Napoleon, by the Nazis, and by many others – in all these instances any aesthetic appreciation of the objects displayed was probably subservient to the political power message. Some of the great museums of Western Europe are particularly good examples of the Old Model Political Museum, with their displays of imperial plunder and their casual assumption of European superiority over other peoples. The political nature of such museums has been revealed in the justifications for the existence of “universal” museums, a concept which came to renewed prominence in 2003 with the Declaration on the Importance and Value of Universal Museums by the directors of a self-selected group of big European and US museums. The Old Model Political Museum is best characterised by its stealth. It is political, but it pretends it isn’t – it pretends that it is merely orthodox and truthful. It is a museum that would thrive in George Orwell’s Oceania.

b) New Model

Photo taken from the website of Tuol Sleng Memorial Museum.
Today, the New Model Political Museum is overt and campaigning, in particular in the fields of human rights and national identity: The National Museum of Australia (Canberra), The Museum of New Zealand Te Papa Tongawera (Wellington, New Zealand), District Six Museum (Cape Town, South Africa), Tuol Sleng Genocide Museum (Phnom Penh, Cambodia), Museum of Genocide Victims (Vilnius, Lithuania), Museum of the Occupation of Latvi (Riga, Latvia), The Museum of the Romanian Peasant (Bucharest, Romania), The Vietnam War Remnants Museum (Ho Chi Minh City, Vietnam), DDR Museum (Berlin, Germany), to mention a few. There are lots more museums of the type that seeks actively to redress a situation where power politics have left some people disadvantaged at best, oppressed and victimised at worst.

A couple of weeks ago I received this email from the Director of the Memorial Resistance Museum in Santo Domingo: “I just created a new petition and I hope you can sign. It's called: We are fighting for the right to the truth and justice for the victims of the dictatorship of Trujillo.”

I went to the website and found the following: “We ask the General Attorney of the Dominican Republic, Mr. Francisco Dominguez Brito, to enforce the laws and the international treaties on human rights, defend the rights of young people and Dominican children to truth, defend the right to justice for the more than 50 thousand victims of the dictatorship of Trujillo, the survivors and the relatives of the victims. We demand the fulfilment of the decision of the Dominican courts, that protect us from the vindication of the regime and the figure of the dictator, and for a Commission of Truth.”

This is the political museum in full flow.

In conclusion, there is a gap between the active, campaigning museums that we have been looking at, and those that go about their political business more discreetly, but the gap is superficial. I would argue that most museums are political, and it is naïve or dishonest to pretend otherwise. We shouldn’t regret this, as though there is a better, neutral state somewhere to which we should aspire – it is human nature to be political, and thank goodness it is.


David Fleming´s full keynote speech may be found here. The Museum of Liverpool, one of the museums under David´s direction, was awarded last month the Council of Europe Museum Prize for 2013 by the Committee on Culture, Science, Education and Media of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe (PACE). PACE said “The Museum of Liverpool provides an exemplary recognition of human rights in museum practice." (read here)

Further readings
Places of encounter, by Maria Vlachou
Silent and apolitical?, by Maria Vlachou

Check also:


David Fleming became Director of National Museums Liverpool in 2001. He has overseen a radical change management process that has resulted in Liverpool audiences rising from around 700,000 per year to 3.5 million, at the same time increasing markedly in diversity. He has advised a number of governments, museums and municipal authorities, both nationally and internationally, on national museum strategy, project management, exhibition design and museum governance. He has published extensively on museums and lectured on museum management and leadership, social inclusion, city history museums and human rights museums in more than 30 countries. He is Founding President of the Federation of International Human Rights Museums (FIHRM), Vice-Chair of the European Museum Forum, and Chairman of ICOM’s Finance and Resources Committee. He is a past President of the UK Museums Association and has served on several UK Government committees and task forces.


Monday, 3 September 2012

Clash of cultures


Aung San Suu Kyi in the burmese parliament on May 2, 2012. (Photo taken from http://photoblog.nbcnews.com)

I have been thinking about fear and the way it imprisons us, it restricts us, it makes us constantly accept compromises, it stops us from dreaming, it keeps us where we are, turning us into mediocre and ‘small’ human beings; the way and the reasons it is being cultivated. The culture of fear.

I ´ve recently read the book Freedom from Fear, a collection of texts and public speeches by Aung San Suu Kyi, the burmese activist, winner of the Nobel Peace Prize, who spent a number of years under house arrest, but who´s recently become a member of the burmese parliament. This meant a lot to me. The first petition I ever signed, I was 19-20 years old, was a petition of the International Amnesty for the liberation of Suu. One of the speeches I now read in the book started like this: “It is not power that corrupts but fear. Fear of losing power corrupts those who wield it and fear of the scourge of power corrupts those who are subject to it."

With this sentence, my thoughts flew from Burma once again to the countries of the Arab Spring. I confess that, since all this started, I never looked at them as if they were countries which are now, ‘finally’, joining us – the ‘countries-guardians of democracy’, the ‘free’ west. On the contrary, following the developments of the Arab Spring and everything that followed, I felt that we should be paying a lot of attention, because there are a number of lessons here for us. What I saw in this revolution were people who joined forces to overcome the fear, who acted as one for the common good, who fought for democracy – for the rights it grants, but taking on the obligations as well. I´ve read articles in newspapers, texts in blogs, I´ve talked to some people who come from those countries and what I´ve encountered are citizens who feel responsible for maintaining the ideals which guided this action, who are perfectly conscious that the struggle is not over and that they must be on constant alert in order not to go back. Knowing the course we took, is it a total utopia to wish that they may remain like this? And that this actually works? Because I do confess that there were moments I felt ashamed: for the things we take for granted; for being part of the vicious circle of the culture of fear – sometimes in the position of those who wield it, other times subject to it -, unconscious of the ideals and values we have sacrificed on the way, or rather conscious, but acquitting ourselves with such excuses as “these are the rules of the game”, “it´s beyond me” or “I am following orders”. The words of Wassyla Tamzali, an algerian writer and activist who participated in a debate in Lisbon on the Arab Spring, sound extremely relevant, for all of us. Tamzali quoted Michel Foucault, who said that “Revolution is to say ‘no’ to the king”, and added: “In Algeria there was not this magic junction [as in Tunisia] among all elements of society. [In Tunisia] there had always been resistance, resistence to the ruler had always existed and within various social categories (the artists, the intellectuals, women, judges, miners...), but never had there been this junction of all categories. There is a revolution only when all social categories come together and take a stand.”  

In this context, the interview of the portuguese Secretary of State for Culture (SEC) to the french newspaper Le Monde last month caused me some consternation. Although he did not give the interview in his capacity as SEC, it is not possible to separate the man from the role, especially since his statements are deeply related to issues concerning a people´s culture.

Francisco José Viegas said: “(...) I belong to a generation which at a certain moment must answer ‘yes’. And accept compromises. When our country is going through a terrible crisis, writing in newspapers and blogs about what culture and society should be, how to help cinema overcome stagnation or save the libraries, is not enough anymore. (...) And he added: “We live in a society which has lost its dreams. The portuguese are afraid of the future, of speaking. And this is happening after the Inquisition, which was 300 years ago, and 50 years of Salazar´s fascist regime. Today, with the crisis, it´s still going on. It´s terrible.” (read the interview here).

It´s true, the Inquisition was 300 years ago and the country went through 50 years of a fascist regime. But there have also been 40 years of ‘democratic’ regime. What have they produced? A culture of fear; a culture of yes men; a culture of compromise, which makes even some heads which are sticking out to bend, to align with mediocrity, in order to survive (it´s very much worth reading an article by greek journalist Nikos Demou, The alliance of the lesser; the ‘democratic’ regime has nurtured similar attitudes in countries like Greece, with a different historic and political background from that of Portugal, which makes one think that the Inquisition and Salazar might not be the only ones to be held responsible). 

It might not be enough to write in newspapers and blogs about what culture and society should be. But it is, undoubtedly, enough to be governed and manipulated, at all levels and in all environments, by those who belong to the SEC´s ‘generation’, the ‘generation’ (which actually embraces different generations, including the younger ones) which nurtures the culture of fear, which thinks that it must say ‘yes’ and accept compromises. Is it not time, also here, in our ‘countries-guardians of democracy’, to confront the culture of fear by recovering our culture of democratic thinking and practice? Is it not time to say ‘no’ to the kings and their courts and to declare certain compromises to be unacceptable, intolerable? Is it not time to dream of something more than mediocrity? To educate citizens who are attentive, sensitive, tolerant, demanding and critical, who are involved in the affairs of the polis, who may express their opinion freely and with a sense of responsibility, without being afraid of getting punished for it? To nurture the imagination, to support creativity, to reward effort and merit? To expect those whom we trust with an executive power to be accountable and all of us, as citizens, to take on the right and obligation to demand it? Especially because, as the SEC reminded us, this country (as others) is going through a terrible crisis, one that is not just financial. And this is also a question of Culture.



Thursday, 12 July 2012

Special post: André e. Teodósio on The United States of European Culture


On June 3, André e. Teodósio was invited to address the European Commissioner for Education, Culture, Multilingualism, Sport, Media and Youth in a conference entitled Current Challenges and Opportunities in the Funding of Arts and Culture, organized by Guimaraes 2012 - European City of Culture. It is a honour and a great pleasure to publish here his thought-provoking and deeply inspiring speech.


First of all, I would like to thank Dr. Rui Catarino for having invited and given me the opportunity to share some words in the presence of the European Commissioner for Education, Culture, Multilingualism, Sport, Media and Youth, Dr. Androulla Vassiliou and her delegation here present in one of the Capitals of Culture of 2012, event where in the long run I will present two performances. 

As an artistic creator I’m very positive towards cultural issues as they are today. I’m reasonably free (unlike many non-Europeans artists, I can say the most obnoxious things and get away with it, even with laughs) and there are loads of European artistic circuits, festivals, subventions and so on for any kind of artist, being them European or not, which offer everyday unimaginable opportunities. But more than the choices, we have to understand the offer.

So the thing that came immediately to my mind as I was writing this text was to state first and foremost that: Europe’s new enemy, probably unlike what everybody here expects, is the United States of European Culture (U.S.E.C.).

Having said that, I understand that you might feel like eye-rolling for I did it myself when I wrote the sentence. I asked: Why another enemy? To what are you opposing to? But then I thought it over, calmed down and actually found some reason in it. What started out as anger soon revealed itself as being anguish, for I was criticizing myself.  I’ll try to explain the previous statement, hopefully not in a boring way; just the point of view of an artist who, of course, will always be seen as ‘too Utopian’. But we’ll get to that!

If we’re to accept the hypothetical fact that Europe is at this moment facing simultaneous problems, we can assert that they can only be coming from within. We cannot accuse anyone, for we cannot forget that the other is always innocent until the opposite is proven. So, embracing ourselves with a problem we need to deal with, we should try to analyze its origin: is it because we were trying to have something our own way? Or were we expecting something when one should embrace everything without prejudice?

To exist a fault, it’s not that of the New Economies versus the Old Economies (there is no such thing as ‘Old Economies’). It’s neither the Emancipation or Rise of New Forms of Democracies or the Spread of Equality against an Established Tradition, in this case being ours (there is no such thing as ‘tradition’ or rather let’s go the other way around, so that people don’t get already mad with me: since there are many traditions and many of them have changed  through time, it would be a contradiction to defend a concept such as ‘tradition’).

Having put aside Tradition and the Emergence of Unexpected ‘New Things’, to exist a problem in Europe it is rooted in itself (and there is no guilt involved in what I am stating or other psychoanalytical passwords). And which problem is that which is rooted in ourselves?
We don’t know. Wow.
We have simply forgotten. We forgot... Us.
But unlike the Belgium detectives, such as Poirot, we don’t have any clues about the crime.
We don’t have an idea.
We don’t have Art anymore.
And if we don’t want to perpetuate this problem infinitely  (the self-eating 8 which is the mathematical symbol of the infinite), then we have to separate the tail from the mouth.

What does this mean in practical terms?

It means that when we read the topic of this conference - “The current challenges and opportunities in the funding of Arts and Culture -, this theme is usually, in the eyes of the public, intertwined with economic, political or social issues. And there are different reasons for this. Being it sometimes a result, a strategy or an issue:

a) the RESULT of Populist Economic Reasoning (either because, as in the left-wing point of view, culture brings economic development or because, as in the right-wing point of view, money which buys food should not be spent in invisible things such as art);

b) a STRATEGY of Cynical Political Democracy (either because, as in the left-wing point of view, culture is a means to give people what they supposedly expect or because, as in the right-wing point of view, governments are viewed not to be engaging themselves in directing public taste);

c) and finally because it is a kernel ISSUE when Defending Humanist Social points of view (in both the right and left-wing points of view, either because culture is seen as a hedonist builder of the community-to-be or because it perpetuates a colonized way of seeing the others).

This is what is currently going on. Every discourse defending culture always embodies one of those pre-given subjects I mentioned before (economic, social and political). But by no means should we fall in this discursive trap, with which the so-called social sciences have seized for about a century what has been one of Europe’s landmarks since its beginnings: being Critical.  And don’t get me wrong: being critical in relation to others but, above all, in relation to oneself.

Choosing among pre-existing options is a survival kit dilemma, not a choice. It’s a forced choice implying that you should forget yourself and stop criticizing. If we dive in a heideggerian way into the word ‘Critical’, we will find ‘Crisis’ as the etymologic root of that word, ‘krisis’  meaning ‘the turning point’.

So where do we stand if we always have to choose and ground our opinions among those pre-given concepts I mentioned before? Then there is no krisis, in the sense that there is no REAL turning point (it’s not enough to change our position on the sofa). And if there’s no turning point, then we are not being critical.

And I bet you already know what I’m aiming at. When we aren’t Critical, we don’t have an  Idea. Only pre-given concepts. And when we don’t have an Idea, we forget Us. And when we forget ourselves.... well, I think I don’t have to go on, you’ve understood me already.

When we aren’t critical for some time, that can be seen as a phase. But when we aren’t being critical for a long period of time, then it’s not a phase anymore. We are doing it. We are forgetting. We have stopped being critical.  We have stopped being Europeans. We are something else. We render and accommodate ourselves to our survival in a community,  the world we are living with its pre-given concepts, and we stop building the world we want to live in. I know it sounds as a cliché. But I have always defended that it is better to start off from a cliché than to end in one.

So let’s start again with a cliché: Building the world we want to live in, that’s called ‘Democracy’, right? The same Democracy that emerged against all kinds of one-hit wonders, right? That was able to write Gnothi Seauton, right? So what happens when we forget Us? When there is no Gnothi Seauton anymore?

We can recall certain dictators saying about illiteracy: “Now we don’t have to be ashamed of not knowing how to read.” Well, I’m ashamed of not knowing what was happening before I was born, but I didn’t choose my time and place of birth. But as demos from democracy, I will take the tools that were given to me and use them in order not to be ashamed of what the world is going to be tomorrow.

Yes, I will say at the borders of other countries: I am European. But what they should hear is: I am Europe. And no, it’s not because of my accent!

You might ask me now: but are those people who built the pre-given concepts, the ones that rule you, the ones that create and moderate invisible dictatorships that lead to forgetfulness, not European?

In the sense of democracy, of the demos, the ones with no part: No.
If they are not in the common, if they are building groups, then: No.
If they keep on forgetting someone: No.

They are not European. I can try not to be so harsh and say that they aren’t totally, but again, that means that they aren’t. They live in a Principality like Monaco, that’s why their point of view is ‘principal’ on all matters; but, unlike the Moneguasques, they are transversely invisible.

They function like Bildeberg Club, the difference being that in the process of its emergence they auto-proclaimed themselves officially as a working group composed by both socially privileged people and also a lot of poor left-wingers.

So no, they are not European. They left Europe a long time ago. They live in a new particularity characterized by true European forgetfulness. And the remainders or the leftovers of their old life are merely accomplishments turned into decoration, atmosphere: Aesthetics. Therefore, the name I proposed for this effect: The United States of European Culture - A federation with a fat duration.

I will explain my insistence, which you must have already noticed, on the idea of Europe and the duality between Art and Culture.

For the first time in history, societies have created something which cannot stand against any other country for the simple fact that it is not one. Europe is supposed to be a Utopia composed of different parts guaranteeing that conquered Universal Rights remain so.

That’s about it. And there is no reason for having inside Europe other different Europes, such as the one I mentioned before (but the list goes on: United States of Economic Europe, United States of Political Europe, etc.), because countries have already their own agendas. So enough of Europe. As it is not a country that fights other countries, so it shouldn’t be a singular Culture fighting other cultures. Europe is about distributing the ‘being equally different’ status to everybody.

In relation to Art and Culture: we’re composed of both, and so they should co-exist in order to fulfill our subjectivity process. But that’s not what’s happening. For one of them has erased the other by colonizing its field of action. Mostly through immobilization: appearing so much that the other one slowly disappears. You know, like those persons that talk so much that they don’t give you time to say that they have spinach on their teeth, and then they kiss you... a mess that spoils the image of love so much that, even if you marry that person later, you can never forget that day. And the other knowing it is condemned to the “Forget-me, forget-me-not” syndrome.

If we accept what Emilie Henriot has greatly said - “Culture is what lives on in man when he has forgotten everything” -, then, in the other way around, we are able to say that: “Art is what lives on in man when he has remembered everything.” There is a huge difference between them, as you can see: Art remembers, Culture forgets... (forgets Art and many more things, by the way).

So whenever you hear the words taste, feelings, aesthetics, anything that deals with pre-given concepts, rules, or remainders of Art: THIS IS CULTURE.  But when you decide - as Goddard very well puts in Je Vous Salue Sarajevo -, to move a bit away from the rule and create an exception, turning your ideal real, building a way of being, then you are in the domain of Ethics: THAT IS ART. They are supposed to be a Yin and Yan.

Having reached page 4 of my text, it should be clear by now that in the U.S. E. C., Culture behaved as the doppelganger of the twins. Culture has risen to a state where it has inside itself Culture and nothing more. And like a girl that in a shipwreck wants to get hold of her teddy bear, so Culture won’t even bother with its own contradictions (artists driving Porsches, festivals in the middle of corn-fields, oversized theaters proud to be empty). The girl doesn’t love the teddy bear, she knows very well it is a toy. She just wants it to confirm that she’s not alone, that it’s faithful to her schemes and mechanisms. Like Culture, she will simply not allow herself to be ashamed of loosing her position as the Master of herself when facing the real.

But let’s face it:

Just like the 'concrete' politics of the 80s in Portugal, with their famous highways, in Culture we have only seen bulldozers destroying gate-kept environments to impose Highways that connect Structures which organize hypothetical Intersections between Players that communicate in the language of the U.S.E.C. In Culture today, as when building highways, someone has to sell their land for someone to speculate over it. In Culture, as in highways, to get in, to that space that years before was your garden, you have to start playing by the rules: pay to get in; be fined and punished if you don’t follow the law; meanwhile, accidents will be fatal; you don’t have to have contact with reality if you are privileged to have one of those voices giving you directions; and you will get anywhere before the others if you have a better vehicle.

The intersection structures in the Cultural Highway follow the same lines: they are all about effort and adaptability skills (talk about being different!), interests (give something in return), group support and politically correct behavior, in case you wanna grab something to eat during the trip. When you cannot fulfill any of the criteria mentioned above, you’re advised that there’s always a non-private path alternative somewhere. And don’t be deceived by thinking that all this is made for the benefit of car lovers: in highways there are never car spotters, for highways are very well protected and promise apparent non-exclusion.

But also as in highways, artificial stress caused by the Cultural Supermarket Logistics which regulate cultural consumption of the Infrastructures in the U.S.E.C. has slowed down critical processes, driving little villages into desertification.

When was the last time you have seen a Cypriot performance in Europe? With the foundation of the circulation of products, the circulation itself asserted what where the products to be circulated (info-applications, pop culture, thematic art, etc.). It is time to put an End to the U.S.E.C. for, if we perpetuate it, on the long run we will have consumed ourselves into forgetfulness.

If fear is to exist, it is not that Art will disappear, it will keep on existing as always, with its ups and downs, off the road. What we have to fear is loosing the full potential of the Utopia we inaugurated. A Utopia where Wei Wei used to be free, where products where in constant flow inside a non-protectionist market, where literally everybody, even the smallest village, was contemplated as a whole; not just in the position of observer and consumer of the traffic, but as a global player in a space where there existed the possibility of accidents, for the unpredictable, for the unexpected, for the difference. A Cultural Utopia that Artists helped to build in order to obtain better conditions to access adequate media for their expression, things which they aren’t getting. What can we do, then, in this era where artists are being shut down and forgotten by a cultural federation? We can demand to stop forgetting.

Artists and their own on-going bio-politics are not strong enough to stop the mimetic pressure with which Culture sparks off paralysis by occupying today Art’s old role of being side by side with power making. To exist Real Democratic Power, both of them have to exist. How do we accomplish that?

By slowing down cultural systems and freeing them from the slavery of the new minority, aka Artists - this is not a joke -, to which they are subject when facing themselves everyday with demands to carry the burden of spectacular entertainment with which Culture colonizes language. Avoiding that production means to be 100% controlled by managers (producers, curators, agencies, Artistic alienated Colleges, Festivals, Subventions, etc.) and dividing those means with the artists themselves independently of their artistic activity, country, influences, groups etc., even if it does not fulfill Culture’s personal optically correct representation of what Art is or the Art that it is looking for.

I could recall here Dr. Rui Vieira Nery’s numerous rhizomatic proposals of embracing and protecting the whole of society’s all different sorts of artistic and cultural communities from garage bands to artistic societies. Let them create, curate, teach, and choose the place, the time and the way they want to develop their activity putting an End to the monopolization of the Cultural Processes of the U.S.E. C. How?

By rewarding generosity (the sponsors, societies, art consumers and art producers) and stop the blind attention given to those Cultural Structures which go on babbling about how they don’t have money to print thousands of posters that no one cares anyway. People go to performances either for the sake of ritual rite or to take care of their own mens sana!

By demanding judgment based as much on sameness of opportunities as in differences on the application.

The Cypriot performance issue I raised before wasn’t innocent (although I feel tempted to suggest that you should try to put an end to Belgium-looking performances which are presented everywhere), I thought that talking to you heart would be more efficient. If we aren’t ourselves able to recognize differences in every singular thing, we aren’t able to globalize, which in Europe should mean to include democratically in the whole all different parts.

It’s not enough to be individually an art lover and consumer, like Dr. Durão Barroso. There has to exist a Europe that accepts its federated governments’ demands but imposes agreements on Artistic regulations (if Agriculture does that for cabbages, Economy for debt, so Culture can do the same in relation to itself). For as we stand here, in this precise moment, Art is living a catastrophic moment in Portugal. We are all aware of its situation: Culture obtains 0,1%  from the whole Governmental budget (the art field being a recipient of 100% less than that); artists depend today directly on the Prime-Minister and his Secretary; artistic production has suffered cuts up to 400% (30% there, 50% here); collecting, sponsoring and cultural consumption are paralyzed due to the absence of rewards for these activities (when will a theatre ticket or the purchase of an art work be tax deductible as a prescribed medication for mens sana?); but above all this, in Portugal we have suffered small visibility outside its borders simply because we are unable to play the Highway games of U.S.E.C.

As I said in the beginning, I have been lucky, for I have found a strategy to play the game as many others. But against the lucky few, many other artists, ranging from all sorts of media, don’t fit the common flow chart products. And if they are still producing Art at all costs, sometimes with unimaginable effort, it is so for they decided not to abandon anyone on the long run. Why should they be left behind?  We know from History itself that after being shut down they will be shot down for being intruders in the immunity system. ‘Critical’ is at siege. Let’s be careful for with their death we will die too. Let’s put a stop to this Oblivion Process and ask: Europe, culturally, could you make a difference?


André e. Teodósio was born in Lisbon, where he lives since 1977, although he lived for some time in the United States of America (during the Clinton era). He’s a member of Teatro Praga (the most megalopsychic ™ theatre company of all times). He studied at Conservatório Nacional de Música, Escola Superior de Música and Escola Superior de Teatro e Cinema, places where he didn't really learn anything, and was a singer at Coro Gulbenkian (where he suffered for many years). He used to collaborate with the theatre company Casa Conveniente, but nowadays he works regularly with the theatre company Cão Solteiro. He has directed individually  performances of plays written by Sylvia Plath, Nikolai Gogol; he co-crearted Super-Gorila and Supernova with José Maria Vieira Mendes and André Godinho, and directed operas by Vaughan Williams, João Madureira, António Pinho Vargas and Puccini. He is the author of Shoot the Freak, Cenofobia and the Top Models cycle: Susana Pomba and Paula Sá Nogueira. Teatro Praga is currently touring worldwide their latest production, A Midsummer Night's Dream (text by Teatro Praga and music by Purcell).